{"id":3578,"date":"2022-09-28T10:17:31","date_gmt":"2022-09-28T08:17:31","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/ismfrance.org\/?p=3578"},"modified":"2022-09-28T10:35:11","modified_gmt":"2022-09-28T08:35:11","slug":"retrospective-sur-la-deuxieme-intifada-palestinienne","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ismfrance.org\/index.php\/2022\/09\/28\/retrospective-sur-la-deuxieme-intifada-palestinienne\/","title":{"rendered":"R\u00e9trospective sur la deuxi\u00e8me Intifada palestinienne"},"content":{"rendered":"

Emad Moussa, 27 septembre 2022.<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span> Le mot <\/span><\/span><\/span>intifada<\/i><\/span><\/span><\/span> provient de la racine arabe \u00ab secouer \u00bb et signifie contextuellement soul\u00e8vement. Il est entr\u00e9 dans le dictionnaire anglais en 1987 avec l\u2019\u00e9ruption de la\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/span>premi\u00e8re Intifada<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/a>\u00a0et est devenu synonyme de la r\u00e9bellion palestinienne non arm\u00e9e contre l\u2019occupation isra\u00e9lienne.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a>

Un manifestant palestinien lance des pierres sur des jeeps de l’arm\u00e9e isra\u00e9lienne \u00e0 Ramallah, en Cisjordanie occup\u00e9e, \u00e0 l’occasion du premier anniversaire du d\u00e9but de la seconde Intifada, le 28 septembre 2001. [Getty]<\/p><\/div>\n

La\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/span>deuxi\u00e8me Intifada<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/a>\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/span>a \u00e9merg\u00e9 des principes r\u00e9volutionnaires d\u00e9velopp\u00e9s et int\u00e9rioris\u00e9s au cours de la premi\u00e8re. Elle a \u00e9clat\u00e9 le 28 septembre 2000, un jour apr\u00e8s que le chef de l\u2019opposition isra\u00e9lienne – plus tard Premier ministre – Ariel Sharon, soit entr\u00e9 dans la\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/span>mosqu\u00e9e Al-Aqsa<\/span><\/span><\/span>\u00a0sous haute protection arm\u00e9e. L\u2019incident s\u2019est produit quelques semaines seulement apr\u00e8s l\u2019\u00e9chec des n\u00e9gociations de Camp David qui s’\u00e9taient tenues aux \u00c9tats-Unis entre le Premier ministre Ehud Barak et Yasser Arafat.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Dans la p\u00e9riode qui a pr\u00e9c\u00e9d\u00e9 l\u2019Intifada, selon <\/span><\/span><\/span>des <\/span><\/span><\/span>rapports<\/span><\/a> officieu<\/span><\/a>x<\/span><\/a>, Barak avait re\u00e7u des renseignements<\/span><\/span><\/span>\u00a0selon lesquels si le sommet de Camp David \u00e9chouait, les Palestiniens mettraient le feu aux territoires. Les Am\u00e9ricains, eux aussi, <\/span><\/span><\/span>ont averti<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/a>\u00a0Isra\u00ebl que la col\u00e8re des Palestiniens \u00e9tait \u00e0 son paroxisme et que Tel-Aviv devait assouplir son intransigeance, une perspective \u00e0 laquelle Arafat a fait allusion lors des pourparlers.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Le dirigeant palestinien, tout comme son peuple, \u00e9tait frustr\u00e9 et enrag\u00e9 par le fait qu\u2019Isra\u00ebl n\u2019avait pas respect\u00e9 son engagement en vertu de\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/span>l\u2019accord d\u2019Oslo<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/a>\u00a0qui stipulait qu\u2019une Palestine ind\u00e9pendante serait \u00e9tablie d\u2019ici mai 1999.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Au lieu de cela, entre le d\u00e9but des n\u00e9gociations d\u2019Oslo en 1993 et septembre 2000,<\/span><\/span><\/span>\u00a0Isra\u00ebl a construit<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/a>\u00a0trois nouvelles colonies dans les territoires et a agrandi les colonies existantes de 52%. \u00c0 la fin de 2000, la population de colons est pass\u00e9e \u00e0 pr\u00e8s de 200.000, soit une augmentation de 85.000 depuis 1993.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

La\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/span>g\u00e9ographie d\u00e9croissante<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/a>\u00a0d\u2019un futur \u00c9tat palestinien a \u00e9t\u00e9 aggrav\u00e9e par la d\u00e9t\u00e9rioration de la situation \u00e9conomique, contrairement \u00e0 la prosp\u00e9rit\u00e9 promise dans les Accords d\u2019Oslo. Les <\/span><\/span><\/span>politiques \u00e9conomiques et budg\u00e9taires isra\u00e9liennes<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/a>\u00a0en Cisjordanie et \u00e0 Gaza depuis 1967 ont syst\u00e9matiquement sap\u00e9 la capacit\u00e9 de l\u2019\u00e9conomie locale palestinienne \u00e0 cro\u00eetre ou \u00e0 g\u00e9n\u00e9rer des sources de revenus nationales.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Les accords d\u2019Oslo ont adopt\u00e9 le m\u00eame \u00e9tat d\u2019esprit, mais sous le couvert d\u2019une identit\u00e9 fiscale ind\u00e9pendante pour l\u2019Autorit\u00e9 palestinienne, ce qui a en r\u00e9alit\u00e9 rendu les finances de l\u2019AP tr\u00e8s d\u00e9pendantes et plus fragiles aux fluctuations de ses relations avec Isra\u00ebl. Oslo a en outre enferm\u00e9 l\u2019\u00e9conomie palestinienne et la capacit\u00e9 financi\u00e8re de l\u2019AP dans un cycle perp\u00e9tuel de d\u00e9pendance vis-\u00e0-vis des donateurs ext\u00e9rieurs, chacun avec ses agendas politiques propres.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Sur le terrain, le contr\u00f4le par Isra\u00ebl de la\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/span>libert\u00e9 de mouvement<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/a> des Palestiniens a connu tr\u00e8s peu de changement et, dans certains cas, il s\u2019est aggrav\u00e9. Oslo a ironiquement produit de <\/span><\/span><\/span>nouvelles limitations \u00e0 la circulation<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/a> dans les zones palestiniennes elles-m\u00eames, pas seulement entre elles et Isra\u00ebl. La Cisjordanie a \u00e9t\u00e9 divis\u00e9e en trois zones administratives (A, B et C), avec la zone C, qui comprend 61% de la Cisjordanie, restant sous le contr\u00f4le militaire isra\u00e9lien total surnomm\u00e9 \u00ab Administration civile \u00bb.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

La s\u00e9curit\u00e9 int\u00e9rieure d\u2019Isra\u00ebl,\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/span>le Shin Bet<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/a>\u00a0et d\u2019autres organismes gouvernementaux avaient pr\u00e9dit des troubles et pr\u00e9par\u00e9 l\u2019infrastructure publique et de s\u00e9curit\u00e9 isra\u00e9lienne \u00e0 une \u00e9ruption imminente de violence.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Mais la gravit\u00e9 et la long\u00e9vit\u00e9 de l\u2019escalade \u2013 sans parler des \u00e9meutes de masse des Palestiniens de 48 en solidarit\u00e9 avec leurs pairs en Cisjordanie et \u00e0 Gaza \u2013 ont \u00e9t\u00e9 une surprise strat\u00e9gique. Il a fallu relativement longtemps \u00e0 l\u2019\u00c9tat isra\u00e9lien pour s\u2019adapter \u00e0 la nouvelle r\u00e9alit\u00e9.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Ce faisant, la r\u00e9activit\u00e9 excessive et les d\u00e9ploiements guerriers de l\u2019arm\u00e9e isra\u00e9lienne – y compris la r\u00e9occupation des villes de Cisjordanie, la r\u00e9activation de la politique d\u2019assassinat et, pour la premi\u00e8re fois, l\u2019utilisation de\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/span>frappes a\u00e9riennes<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/a> et d\u2019artillerie contre des zones r\u00e9sidentielles palestiniennes, sont devenus la norme.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

On estime<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/a>\u00a0maintenant que les forces isra\u00e9liennes \u2013 et les colons ill\u00e9gaux \u2013 ont tu\u00e9 au moins 4.300 Palestiniens, principalement des civils, dans diverses attaques allant de frappes a\u00e9riennes, d\u2019incursions et d\u2019ex\u00e9cutions sommaires, ainsi qu\u2019en bloquant l\u2019acc\u00e8s aux soins m\u00e9dicaux. Alors que la plupart des Palestiniens ont pris la voie de la\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/span>r\u00e9sistance populaire<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/a>, certaines factions ont d\u00e9ploy\u00e9 des techniques de gu\u00e9rilla contre l\u2019arm\u00e9e et les colons isra\u00e9liens, investissant plus tard massivement (et de mani\u00e8re controvers\u00e9e) dans des attentats-suicides contre des civils isra\u00e9liens. Plus de 1.000 Isra\u00e9liens sont morts. Les bless\u00e9s des deux c\u00f4t\u00e9s se comptent par dizaines de milliers et la destruction de l\u2019infrastructure palestinienne a \u00e9t\u00e9 consid\u00e9rable.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

L\u2019analyse finale, pour de nombreux Isra\u00e9liens juifs, fut que le \u00ab terrorisme \u00bb palestinien, en particulier les attentats-suicides, ont tu\u00e9 le processus de paix. Ces attaques ont fait des ravages dans la s\u00e9curit\u00e9 collective et personnelle des Isra\u00e9liens, alimentant la croyance qu\u2019il n\u2019existait pas de \u00ab partenaire de paix palestinien \u00bb et que toute \u00ab concession g\u00e9n\u00e9reuse \u00bb isra\u00e9lienne, comme Barak l\u2019aurait offert \u00e0 Arafat \u00e0 Camp David, constituerait un risque pour la s\u00e9curit\u00e9.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

L\u2019Intifada a \u00e9t\u00e9 largement imput\u00e9e au \u00ab plan sinistre d\u2019Arafat pour d\u00e9truire Oslo \u00bb et \u00e0 \u00ab l\u2019antis\u00e9mitisme intrins\u00e8que \u00bb palestinien. Tr\u00e8s peu de choses ont \u00e9t\u00e9 dites sur l\u2019erreur politique de la paix entre occupants et occup\u00e9s ou sur l\u2019Intifada en tant que soul\u00e8vement populaire et spontan\u00e9 contre l\u2019injustice.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Pour les Palestiniens, l’Intifada a \u00e9t\u00e9 un spectre complexe de r\u00e9alisations mineures, de mauvaises d\u00e9cisions et de cons\u00e9quences d\u00e9sastreuses. Au d\u00e9part, elle a raviv\u00e9 la confiance du collectif dans sa capacit\u00e9 \u00e0 se mobiliser et \u00e0 riposter, tout en <\/span><\/span><\/span>bousculant la bureaucratie statique et les contraintes politiques d\u2019Oslo<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/a>.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

\u00c0 l\u2019\u00e9poque, Arafat, comme Abbas plus tard, parlait de \u00ab r\u00e9sistance populaire \u00bb comme d\u2019une m\u00e9thode pour compl\u00e9ter le processus politique. Mais ni lui ni le large cercle de l\u2019AP n\u2019avaient la moindre id\u00e9e de ce que cela impliquait r\u00e9ellement. La r\u00e9sistance arm\u00e9e \u00e9tait consid\u00e9r\u00e9e comme une notion archa\u00efque qui n\u2019avait pas sa place dans l\u2019\u00e8re post-Oslo, une \u00e9valuation qui s\u2019av\u00e9rerait bient\u00f4t inexacte, en particulier apr\u00e8s que certaines des forces de s\u00e9curit\u00e9 produites par Oslo aient rejoint la lutte arm\u00e9e.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Les dirigeants palestiniens et les factions politiques n\u2019ont pas r\u00e9ussi \u00e0 exploiter, \u00e0 se concentrer et \u00e0 \u00e9laborer des strat\u00e9gies sur l\u2019\u00e9lan populaire. Alors que l\u2019Intifada s\u2019intensifiait, certainement apr\u00e8s qu\u2019Isra\u00ebl eut entrepris de d\u00e9truire les forces de s\u00e9curit\u00e9 palestiniennes, la spontan\u00e9it\u00e9 s\u2019est transform\u00e9e en poches de r\u00e9sistance non organis\u00e9es, ce qui s\u2019est lentement aggrav\u00e9 par l\u2019anarchie et le chaos dans les r\u00e9gions administr\u00e9es par l\u2019AP.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

L\u2019accord g\u00e9n\u00e9ral aujourd\u2019hui est que la deuxi\u00e8me Intifada fut une occasion mal g\u00e9r\u00e9e de rectifier la trajectoire du projet de lib\u00e9ration nationale palestinienne. Mahmoud Abbas attribue cela \u00e0 l\u2019adoption imprudente de la r\u00e9sistance arm\u00e9e et a depuis 2006 – avec principalement la formation et le financement am\u00e9ricains – restructur\u00e9 et r\u00e9\u00e9quip\u00e9 les forces de s\u00e9curit\u00e9 de l\u2019AP pour contrecarrer \u00e0 nouveau tout d\u00e9veloppement dans cette direction.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Alors que la majorit\u00e9 des Palestiniens consid\u00e8rent l\u2019approche d\u2019Abbas comme r\u00e9ductrice, ils conviennent que l\u2019Intifada a donn\u00e9 tr\u00e8s peu de r\u00e9sultats politiques, \u00e0 la port\u00e9e tr\u00e8s faible par rapport au niveau des sacrifices. D\u2019autres pensent qu\u2019il s\u2019agit d\u2019un recul catastrophique : elle a contribu\u00e9 \u00e0 la mont\u00e9e de l\u2019extr\u00eame droite isra\u00e9lienne, arm\u00e9 Isra\u00ebl de pr\u00e9textes pour approfondir son occupation et, plus grave encore, a transform\u00e9 l\u2019occupation d\u2019une domination autoritaire en un mod\u00e8le de guerre totale in\u00e9gal\u00e9 dans l\u2019histoire du colonialisme.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Aucun des deux camps n\u2019a remis en question la l\u00e9gitimit\u00e9 fondamentale du soul\u00e8vement populaire<\/b><\/span><\/span><\/span>. L\u2019Intifada, apr\u00e8s tout, \u00e9tait un\u00a0<\/span><\/span><\/span>mod\u00e8le local et populaire pour une r\u00e9bellion<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/a>\u00a0qui a \u00e9t\u00e9 reproduite \u00e0 plusieurs reprises, bien que par rafales plus courtes, depuis 2005. La question non r\u00e9solue, cependant, continue d\u2019\u00eatre celle des strat\u00e9gies et des m\u00e9thodes de r\u00e9sistance.<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n

Article original en anglais sur The New Arab<\/a> \/ Traduction MR<\/em><\/p>\n

[writers slug=emad-moussa]<\/span><\/span><\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Emad Moussa, 27 septembre 2022. Le mot intifada provient de la racine arabe \u00ab secouer \u00bb et signifie contextuellement soul\u00e8vement. Il est entr\u00e9 dans le dictionnaire anglais en 1987 avec Lire la suite →<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":3579,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[12,2],"tags":[58,124],"class_list":["post-3578","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-analyses","category-articles","tag-histoire","tag-intifada"],"yoast_head":"\nR\u00e9trospective sur la deuxi\u00e8me Intifada palestinienne - International Solidarity Movement - ISM-France<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/ismfrance.org\/index.php\/2022\/09\/28\/retrospective-sur-la-deuxieme-intifada-palestinienne\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"fr_FR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"R\u00e9trospective sur la deuxi\u00e8me Intifada palestinienne - International Solidarity Movement - ISM-France\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Emad Moussa, 27 septembre 2022. 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